Friedrich august von hayek biography of rory
•
Privacy, Autonomy, and the Dissolution of Markets
Abstract
Throughout the 20th century, market capitalism was defended on parallel grounds. First, it promotes freedom by enabling individuals to exploit their own property and labor-power; second, it facilitates an efficient allocation and use of resources. Recently, however, both defenses have begun to unravel—as capitalism has moved into its “platform” phase. Today, the pursuit of allocative efficiency, bolstered by pervasive data surveillance, often undermines individual freedom rather than promoting it. And more fundamentally, the very idea that markets are necessary to achieve allocative efficiency has come under strain. Even supposing, for argument’s sake, that the claim was true in the early 20th century when von Mises and Hayek pioneered it, advances in computing have rekindled the old “socialist calculation” debate. And this time around, markets—as information technology—are • ‘This war fryst vatten not the end, but rather the beginning of violence’, observed Ernst Jünger (, p. 77). He was not alone in seeing in WWI the inauguration of a new era. In a remark cited at the outset of this volume, Hannah Arendt (, p. ) noted that August ‘touched off a chain reaction in which we have been caught ever since and which nobody seems to able to stop’. Historians looking back at the ‘short twentieth century’ of total mobilisation, ideological conflict and mass violence have recently given credence to the view that WWI began a conflagration that continued long past (Gerwarth, ; Mazower, ; Traverso, ). Yet, while a vast literature exists on the legacy of the war in politics, art and literature, little has been said about it as a global conflict of ideas that altered philosophy. This collection, conceived at a conference occasioned bygd the centennial of , seeks to fill that gap bygd viewing europeisk p • Hayek and historical politicol econlnN empirical and theoretical analysis. By r9t4, the Nl,ethodenstreiL was over as fàr as German economists wcre concerned (Kriiger ;Balabkrns úBB, Tribe r9qt, '. Kurz ;Gioia :f9ì.1 As regards the Austrians, Philippovich explicitly attempted to bridge the gap between the two opposing groups, in parallel with Wagner's similar attempt in Cermany.5 Wieser's analyses of innova tion and business organization ubuilt a bridge towards the German historical schoolu (Streissler ,96). While Wieser always regretted the time and energy that Menger had devoted to method (Hayek t,15), Bóhm Bawerk's attitude towards methodological issues was conciliatoryhe was <in favour of the equality of the two meth-ods> (Bóhm-Bawerk ú9o, J. Bòhm-Bau'erk made two points r, younger Austrians would regularly take up: first, that historical economists initiated the controversy, and, second, that they years of europeisk philosophy since the great war: Crisis and reconfigurations
HAYEK AND HISTORICAL POLITICAL ECONOMY
Roberttt Romani